A 22-year-old man was arguing with his mom as they put groceries away when he shot and killed her, according to police in Missouri.

Authorities say Tony Martin Jr. had been carrying a gun around their home on Sept. 21 — the same day of the fatal argument, according to a news release from the St. Louis County Police Department.

Sometime during the argument, Christy Martin touched her son’s arm, trying to get him to turn around, police said in a probable cause statement. But when he turned around, police say he shot his 50-year-old mom once in her chest.

 

Gwinnett County police are searching for a man wanted for rape, child molestation, sodomy and kidnapping after he allegedly attacked a 15-year-old girl.

CHARLESTON, W. VA., January 27. - Wm. P. Floyd and J. A. Sheppard, of Logan county, arrived here this evening for the purpose of presenting a petition and resolutions from the citizens of Logan county. Mr. Floyd was among the officers who were fired upon on the 22d by Frank Phillips and his Kentucky gang. His description of the battle is a very interesting and lively one. They report nothing new since the last trouble. The citizens of Logan are very much disturbed and business along the border is practically suspended. One of the largest lumber dealers on Tug river has abandoned the business for the present; and these gentlemen predict financial ruin to the country if the outrages are not abated.

The visitors say the latest information from the border is to the effect that the Kentucky people have been largely recruited and now number over one hundred and are camped along the river bank. It is said they are backed up in their efforts to invade Logan county and capture the Hatfields by the county officers of Pike county, and must have the moral support of the Kentucky government, since their outrages are so bold and numerous. They are supplied with ammunition and provisions from the county seat of Pike.

Mr. Shipp, of Logan, who is here now, says it is the unanimous wish of the people of Logan for both States to 

 

PLACE TROOPS ON THE BORDER

and suppress the law-breaking tendencies on both sides along the border, and when the trouble is quelled, for each State to quietly investigate the matter and exchange those who are wanted on either side. These gentlemen claim that few persons of this State, in fact, but one or two are needed in Kentucky to subserve the ends of justice, while at least twenty men will be wanted for the killing of old man Vance, Dempsey and others.

The Governor is considering the papers presented from Logan and will probably take some action to-morrow. Governors Wilson and Buckner have been in communication, and it is likely there will be consort of action between the two Governors. 

The Kanawha Riflemen promptly tendered their services to the Governor to-day, but the Governor said he thought it would be unnecessary to send troops.

 

The Whiskey Rebellion was a 1794 uprising of farmers and distillers in western Pennsylvania in protest of a whiskey tax enacted by the federal government. Following years of aggression with tax collectors, the region finally exploded in a confrontation that resulted in President Washington sending in troops to quell what some feared could become a full-blown revolution. Opposition to the whiskey tax and the rebellion itself built support for the Republicans, who overtook Washington’s Federalist Party for power in 1802. The Whiskey Rebellion is considered one of the first major tests of the authority of the newly formed U.S. government.

 

______________________

 

Yes folks, first use of troops against citizens was in Pennsylvania, and it was over whiskey.

 

Awesome flag, though. I own one and fly it when I hate the government, which is often.

Booze… booze has turned many a fields into "killing fields” over the history of the US…

 

A bloody rivalry

Moonshiners vigorously defended their territory, both against government agents — called "revenuers” — and their rivals. Shootouts occurred often, according to news records.

One revenuer was murdered on the job in Pickens County in 1881. Another was shot at in Greenville County as he seized a wagon loaded with moonshine and fled from angry bootleggers, an 1883 article recounts.

In the heyday of Prohibition, Berkeley County was the most active spot in the state for moonshine, many revenuers said.

"Just about everyone it seemed in Berkeley County was doing it. And if they didn’t, they at least sympathized with it,” revenuer H.P. Clary told an Evening Post reporter in 1986. He received several death threats throughout his career busting illegal stills.

Hell Hole Swamp in the Francis Marion National Forest was the most notorious area for moonshine. It reportedly supplied liquor to cities across the country, and stories abound about famous gangster Al Capone visiting the area and shipping its liquor to Chicago. The county was sometimes known as "Bloody Berkeley.”

In 1926, newspapers reported a shootout in Moncks Corner between two rival moonshine factions led by Glennie McKnight, who was dubbed "King of the Bootleggers,” and Ben Villeponteaux. McKnight’s brother and one of his associates died in the conflict.

McKnight wanted revenge. He flipped sides and joined the revenuers as an undercover agent to take Villeponteaux down. Just a few months after his brother’s death he helped lead a federal raid into Hell Hole Swamp.

According to newspaper reports, a ship entered Charleston Harbor with 100 deputies and by the end of the raid, 17 stills were destroyed and at least 33 men had been arrested, including the Williamsburg County sheriff and a federal prohibition officer. The raid netted more than 75 defendants.

The raid, one of many, didn’t stop moonshine from pouring out of Berkeley County. 

"Sometimes we’d knock down seven stills in one day,” Clary told a reporter. 

 

 

 

Illinois shooting: 4 dead after man kills family, barricades self inside home and sets it on fire

 

 

The gunfight in downtown Matewan on May 19, 1920, had all the elements of a high-noon showdown: on one side, the heroes, a pro-union sheriff and mayor; on the other, the dastardly henchmen of the Baldwin-Felts Detective Agency. Within 15 minutes, ten people were dead—seven detectives, two miners and the mayor. Three months later, the conflict in the West Virginia coal town had escalated to the point where martial law was declared and federal troops had to intervene. The showdown may sound almost cinematic, but the reality of the coal miners’ armed standoffs throughout the early 20th century was much darker and more complicated.
 

Then, as now, West Virginia was coal country. The coal industry was essentially the state’s sole source of work, and massive corporations built homes, general stores, schools, churches and recreational facilities in the remote towns near the mines. For miners, the system resembled something like feudalism. Sanitary and living conditions in the company houses were abysmal, wages were low, and state politicians supported wealthy coal company owners rather than miners. The problems persisted for decades and only began to improve once Franklin Delano Roosevelt passed the National Industrial Recovery Act in 1933.
 

As labor historian Hoyt N. Wheeler writes, "Firing men for union activities, beating and arresting union organizers, increasing wages to stall the union’s organizational drive, and a systematic campaign of terror produced an atmosphere in which violence was inevitable.” The mine guards of Baldwin-Felts Detective Agency repeatedly shut down miners’ attempts at unionization with everything from drive-by assaults of striking miners to forcing men, women and children out of their homes.
 

The combination of perilous working conditions and miner-guard tensions led to a massive strike in 1912 in southern West Virginia (Matewan sits on the state’s southern border with Kentucky). After five months, things came to a head when 6,000 union miners declared their intention to kill company guards and destroy company equipment. When the state militia swooped in several days later, they seized 1,872 high-powered rifles, 556 pistols, 225,000 rounds of ammunition, and large numbers of daggers, bayonets and brass knuckles from both groups.

Although World War I briefly distracted union organizers and coal companies from their feud, the fighting soon picked back up again. As wealth consolidated after the war, says historian Rebecca Bailey, the author of Matewan Before the Massacre, unions found themselves in the crosshairs.

"Following World War I, there was an increasing concentration into fewer hands of industrial corporate power,” says Bailey. "Unions were anathema to them simply because human labor was one of the few cost items that could be manipulated and lowered.”

 

As the rich mine owners got richer, union-organized strikes became a way for miners to protect their salaries. Leaders like John L. Lewis, the head of the United Mine Workers of America, insisted that workers’ strength came through collective action. In one successful protest, 400,000 UMWA went on strike nationwide in 1919, securing higher wages and better working conditions. But while wages generally increased for miners throughout the period, they tended to rise more slowly in non-union areas, and the union itself struggled throughout the 1920s. For capitalists, it was a battle for profit—and against what they saw as Bolshevik communism. For workers, it was a fight for their rights as humans.

The two sides came to a head in the conflict in Matewan. In response to a massive UMWA organizing effort in the area, local mining companies forced miners to sign yellow-dog contracts that bound them never to join a union. On May 19, Baldwin-Felts agents arrived in Matewan to evict miners and their families from Stone Mountain Coal Company housing. It was a normal day on the job for the agents; the detective agency, founded in the 1890s, provided law-enforcement contractors for railroad yards and other industrial corporations. It also did the brunt of the work suppressing unionization in coal mining towns—and today, the Baldwin-Felts men were there to kick out men who had joined the UMWA.

That same day, the town of Matewan was teeming with a number of unemployed miners who came to receive a few dollars, sacks of flour and other foodstuffs from the union to prevent their families from starving. Whether the men also came in anticipation of taking action against the Baldwin-Felts agents is a matter of debate. Either way, the visiting miners had the rare support of pro-union Matewan police chief, Sid Hatfield, and the town’s mayor, Cabell Testerman.

According to one version of the story, the Baldwin-Felts agents tried to arrest Hatfield when he attempted to prevent the evictions from taking place. When the mayor defended Hatfield from the arrest, he was shot, and more bullets began to fly. In another version of the story, Hatfield initiated the violence, either by giving a signal to armed miners stationed around the town or by firing the first shot himself. For Bailey, the latter seems the more likely scenario because the agents would have known they were outnumbered—and if union miners and Hatfield did initiate the violence, the story of Matewan is darker than a simple underdog tale.

"I call it elevation through denigration,” she says, noting that the union benefited from the moral high ground as victims regardless of whether they instigated the violence.

 

But for Terry Steele, a former coal miner in West Virginia and member of the local UMWA, revolting was the only way to respond to abuse. He says local wisdom had it that, "If you got a mule killed in the mines and you were in charge, you could lose your job over it. If you got a man killed, he could be replaced.”

What made the situation worse, according to Wilma Steele, a founding member of the West Virginia Mine Wars Museum, was the contempt outsiders had for miners in the region. Locals had a reputation for being violent and unreasonable. "It set the stereotype that they were used to feuding and they were people who don’t care about anything but a gun and a bottle of liquor,” says Steele. "That was the propaganda. But these people were being abused.”

Although police chief Hatfield was celebrated as a hero by the mining community after the shootout, and even starred in a movie for the UMWA, he was a villain to T. L. Felts, a Baldwin-Felts partner who lost two brothers to the massacre. When Hatfield was acquitted in a local trial by jury, Felts brought a conspiracy charge against him, forcing the police chief to appear in court once more. On the stairway of the courthouse in August 1921, Hatfield and his deputy, Ed Chambers, were gunned down by Baldwin-Felts agents.

In response to the assassination, an army of miners 10,000 strong began a full-on assault against the coal company and the mine guards. While miners shot at their opponents, private planes organized by the coal companies’ defensive militia dropped bleach and shrapnel bombs on the union’s headquarters. The battle only stopped when federal troops arrived on the order of President Warren Harding.

The entire event was covered rabidly by the national press, says Chatham University historian Louis Martin, who is also a founding member of the West Virginia Mine Wars Museum. "National papers sold a lot of copies by portraying the area as a lawless land where the mountaineers were inherently violent,” Martin says. "This was a romanticized version of events, creating an Old West type image of Appalachia. This obviously didn’t lead to widespread public support for the miners in their struggles.”

When the conflict concluded, hundreds of miners were indicted for murder, and more than a dozen were charged with treason. Although all but one were acquitted of treason charges, others were found guilty of murder and spent years in prison. Even worse, the UMWA experienced a significant decline in membership throughout the 1920s, and in 1924 the UMWA district that included Matewan lost its local autonomy because of the incident. As the years progressed, the union distanced itself even further from the Matewan massacre.

For Bailey, it’s easy to see this story in terms of good and evil—and that ignores the nuance of the story.

"When we essentialize a narrative into heroes and villains, we run the risk of invalidating human pain and agency,” Bailey says. "The Baldwin-Felts agents were professional men. They believed they were fighting the onslaught of Communism. Their opponents were fighting for a fair and living wage, an appropriate share of the benefits of their labor.”
 

This fight between collectivism and individualism, the rights of the worker and the rights of the owner, have been part of America since the country’s founding, Bailey says. And even today, that battle rages on—perhaps not with bullets, but with eroding regulations and workers’ rights. Though at first the federal government acted as a third-party broker, protecting union rights with bargaining regulations initiated by Franklin Roosevelt, workers’ rights were eventually curtailed by more powerful actors.

“[Unions] became so dependent on federal labor laws and the National Labor Relations Board that they lived and died by what the federal government would allow them to do,” Martin says. "That was the beginning of a decline in union power in this country”—one that’s still ongoing. Martin cites the failure of the Employee Free Choice Act to pass in Congress (which was aimed at removing barriers to unionization), the closure of the last union coal mine in Kentucky in 2015, the loss of retirement benefits for former miners, and the surge in black lung disease as evidence of unions’ fading power.

"The things they were fighting for [in the Matewan massacre] are the things we’re fighting for today,” Terry Steele says. He’s one of the miners who will be losing his health insurance and retirement plan in the wake of his employer’s bankruptcy. "The things our forefathers stood for are now being taken away from us. It seems like we’re starting to turn the clock back.”

🤣🤣🤣

Last Thursday, Deputy Michael Hartwick was struck and killed by 32-year-old Juan Ariel Molina-Salles, an illegal alien from Honduras who used a fake ID and a fake name to get a construction job.

On Sunday night, a gang of juveniles wreaked havoc by brazenly looting and destroying the Wawa Food Market in Northeast Philadephia’s Mayfair section.

22 hours ago, lynched1 said:

On Sunday night, a gang of juveniles wreaked havoc by brazenly looting and destroying the Wawa Food Market in Northeast Philadephia’s Mayfair section.

Looting? You can’t post fear mongering posts about looting in the "Killing” fields thread…

👎 post fail.

18 minutes ago, MidMoFo said:

Looting? You can’t post fear mongering posts about looting in the "Killing” fields thread…

👎 post fail.

Fields need tending to produce. 

I gotta hand it to you, lynched, your thread seems to have triggered the NPC midwits more than my Liberal Lawlessness thread ever could. Well done.  

This is the killing thread… people have been killing other people since… well…

 

You two sheet birds aren’t going to scare anyone with clippings about unruly teenagers…

people have to be dying.

3 minutes ago, MidMoFo said:

This is the killing thread… people have been killing other people since… well…

 

Feel free to post what you wish. I do. 👌

I literally just posted proof that people have been killing each other since the beginning of time… and you still aren’t catching on to how stupid this thread is. 

5 minutes ago, MidMoFo said:

I literally just posted proof that people have been killing each other since the beginning of time… and you still aren’t catching on to how stupid this thread is. 

I have literally started this thread not giving a **** what you or anyone else has to say about it's title or content and you still haven't caught on. Does that stupity lie within the threads creation or your protest thereof? 🤔

2 minutes ago, lynched1 said:

I have literally started this thread not giving a **** what you or anyone else has to say about it's title or content and you still haven't caught on. Does that stupity lie within the threads creation or your protest thereof? 🤔

The thread creator… 100%.

Joao Maria de Souza and his wife, Leni were asleep in bed when the 3,000 pound cow crashed through the roof, reports the Telegraph. The cow is believed to have escaped from a nearby farm, then walked onto the roof which abuts a steep hillside. Unable to support the load, the roof caved in, at which point the bovine fell 8 feet onto de Souza's side of the bed.

While his wife and the animal were fine, de Souza suffered a fractured leg and was taken to the hospital. After spending several hours at the hospital, the 45-year-old Brazilian passed away, likely a result of internal bleeding.

"Being crushed by a cow in your bed is the last way you expect to leave this earth," de Souza's brother told Hoje em Dia, a Brazilian newspaper, in a translation provided by the Telegraph. "But in my view it wasn't the cow that killed our Joao, it was the unacceptable time he spent waiting to be examined."

Contacted by SuperCanal, a Brazilian TV station, the hospital denied any wrongdoing and maintained de Souza received adequate care.

According to the Daily Mail, De Souza's mother, Maria, told SuperCanal: "I didn't bring my son up to be killed by a falling cow. He nearly died when he was two and got meningitis, but I worked hard to buy medicines for him and he survived."

"And now he's lying in his bed and gets crushed to death by a cow," she continued. "There's no justice in the world."

1 minute ago, Toastrel said:

Joao Maria de Souza and his wife, Leni were asleep in bed when the 3,000 pound cow crashed through the roof, reports the Telegraph. The cow is believed to have escaped from a nearby farm, then walked onto the roof which abuts a steep hillside. Unable to support the load, the roof caved in, at which point the bovine fell 8 feet onto de Souza's side of the bed.

While his wife and the animal were fine, de Souza suffered a fractured leg and was taken to the hospital. After spending several hours at the hospital, the 45-year-old Brazilian passed away, likely a result of internal bleeding.

"Being crushed by a cow in your bed is the last way you expect to leave this earth," de Souza's brother told Hoje em Dia, a Brazilian newspaper, in a translation provided by the Telegraph. "But in my view it wasn't the cow that killed our Joao, it was the unacceptable time he spent waiting to be examined."

Contacted by SuperCanal, a Brazilian TV station, the hospital denied any wrongdoing and maintained de Souza received adequate care.

According to the Daily Mail, De Souza's mother, Maria, told SuperCanal: "I didn't bring my son up to be killed by a falling cow. He nearly died when he was two and got meningitis, but I worked hard to buy medicines for him and he survived."

"And now he's lying in his bed and gets crushed to death by a cow," she continued. "There's no justice in the world."

RAWR!!!…. That cow would have never walked out on a rooftop in Brazil and fallen through the roof causing internal bleeding in the innocent sleeping homeowner who was crushed in his sleep without the liberal lawlessness of Joe Biden.

RRRAAAWWWWWWRRRRR!!!!

2 hours ago, MidMoFo said:

The thread creator… 100%.

Yet here you are the one banging away on your keyboard to no avail.

Thank you for your support. Because of you I haven't had too scroll far to find the thread. ❤️

🍻

A pickup truck going the wrong way on a highway struck a minivan, killing five members of a family heading home from a soccer tournament. The pickup's driver, whose blood alcohol content was four times the state's legal limit, later died.

Dana Papst, 43, was driving the wrong way on Interstate 25 near Santa Fe Saturday night when his truck hit the minivan, said Santa Fe County Sheriff Greg Solano.

A 14-year-old boy was killed and four other teenage boys were wounded in Philadelphia Tuesday afternoon as they were shot at by two people in a Ford Explorer while leaving a high school football scrimmage at Roxborough High School with two other teams,